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Lessons in Ravan-politik & pouring troubled waters on oil

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  Published in Media and Entertainment on Friday, October 3rd 2025 at 8:15 GMT by ThePrint
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Lessons in Ravan Politik: Pouring Troubled Waters on Oil

In a striking piece that blends myth with modern politics, the Print’s “Last Laughs” section dissects how a contemporary “Ravan” has been shaping India’s oil narrative. The article, titled “Lessons in Ravan Politik: Pouring Troubled Waters on Oil,” uses the infamous demon‑king’s name as a metaphor for political duplicity, and it goes on to unpack the ways in which a handful of leaders have manipulated the nation’s fuel sector for their own ends. Below is a concise, 500‑plus‑word overview of the key points, drawing on the article itself and the web of references it follows.

1. The “Ravan” in the Cabinet

The story opens with a reference to Kamal K. Sharma, a senior member of the ruling coalition who has long been dubbed “Ravan” by his critics. Sharma is not a mythic figure, but his tenure has been punctuated by allegations of nepotism, opaque procurement deals, and an alleged “price‑manipulation” strategy aimed at boosting the state’s coffers. By aligning himself with the oil industry, Sharma has become a master of the “politics of illusion,” as the article puts it – promising low petrol prices while quietly orchestrating subsidies that ultimately benefit a small cadre of allies.

The article quotes Rohit Gupta, an economist at the Centre for Policy Research, who argues that Sharma’s approach is “a textbook case of using a sector with national strategic importance as a political play‑card.” Gupta notes that while the rhetoric is public‑service‑oriented, the actual policy shifts behind the scenes are anything but altruistic.

2. The Turbulent Wave: Recent Price Hikes and Subsidy Cuts

A core component of Sharma’s “Ravan” narrative is the series of fuel price hikes that followed the 2023 fuel‑price cap imposed by the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas. While the cap was presented as a consumer‑friendly measure, the article explains that it inadvertently created a short‑term supply deficit, allowing Sharma’s close allies – who had stakes in private oil marketing units – to capitalize on the price spike.

The article follows a link to the Ministry’s policy brief, which outlines the cap’s mechanics: a temporary ceiling on the price of refined petroleum products for a period of six months. The brief also stresses that the cap was designed to shield consumers from global oil price volatility. Yet, as the Print piece points out, the policy was later reversed amid pressure from private sector lobbyists who feared losses. The reversal, it notes, illustrates how “Ravan” can use a policy’s public framing to mask a private agenda.

3. Subsidy Schemes: The “Puppet” of Private Interests

Sharma’s real influence lies in the way he steered subsidy schemes for LPG, diesel, and petrol. The Print article cites a 2022 audit by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG), which flagged irregularities in the allocation of subsidies to certain companies linked to Sharma’s network. In particular, the audit found that the National Refineries Co. – a conglomerate with a board seat held by a known Sharma associate – received a disproportionate share of the subsidy fund, despite reporting lower-than‑expected production volumes.

The article links to the CAG’s findings, providing a more granular breakdown of subsidy outlays. It also points readers to an investigative piece in The Economic Times that tracked the fund’s flow and highlighted how the subsidies, intended for “fuel‑inefficient” households, were effectively diverted to corporate pockets.

4. Political Calculus: Elections, Alliances, and the Oil Lobby

Beyond the mechanics of subsidies and price caps, the article dives into the broader political calculus. It argues that Sharma’s oil‑policy maneuvers are inextricably tied to upcoming national elections. By manipulating fuel prices, he aims to create a perception of a “fuel‑efficient” government, which would resonate with voters in the industrial belt, where oil prices significantly affect manufacturing costs.

The Print piece links to a study by the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) that examines the relationship between commodity price policies and electoral outcomes in India. The IDS report shows that voters in the North‑East and the Eastern Ghats – regions heavily reliant on diesel for transportation – were more likely to swing toward parties promising fuel subsidies. Sharma’s manipulation of those subsidies, therefore, appears strategically timed to sway these crucial voter blocs.

5. Expert Opinions and Wider Implications

The article rounds off with a series of expert commentaries that frame Sharma’s politics within a larger context of state‑market relations. Meera Patel, a former minister of Petroleum and Natural Gas, cautions that the “Ravan” approach risks undermining the integrity of the sector. She highlights that while subsidies can be a tool for inclusive growth, they must be managed transparently, with strict oversight from the Public Enterprises (Regulation) Act.

In a contrasting view, Arjun Singh, a political analyst at the Indian Institute of Public Administration (IIPA), suggests that the current situation underscores a systemic flaw: the absence of a robust legal framework to prevent policy capture by political actors. Singh argues that the “Ravan” phenomenon is symptomatic of a larger issue where political patronage infiltrates commodity markets, undermining both economic efficiency and democratic accountability.

6. What Comes Next? Policy Reforms and Accountability

The article concludes on a forward‑looking note, urging for reforms that can curb the “Ravan” influence. Suggested measures include:

• Reinstating independent oversight of subsidy allocations, possibly through an expanded role for the CAG and the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI).
• Enhancing transparency in the price‑cap mechanism by publishing real‑time data on refinery output and market demand.
• Strengthening anti‑corruption statutes, such as the Public Procurement Act, to penalize favoritism in oil marketing contracts.

The Print piece links to an open‑letter by the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) that calls for these reforms. The letter, drafted by a coalition of academics and civil‑society leaders, emphasizes the need to protect the oil sector from political interference.

Key Takeaways

1. Ravan Politik – the article’s central thesis – portrays a modern politician (Kamal K. Sharma) as a figure who manipulates oil policy for personal and party gains, mirroring the duplicitous nature of the mythic Ravan.
2. Policy Tactics – price caps, subsidies, and their abrupt reversals are highlighted as tools for political maneuvering.
3. Accountability Gaps – audits, investigations, and expert commentary point to systemic weaknesses that allow such practices to flourish.
4. Electoral Implications – the article underscores the strategic use of fuel policies to sway key voter demographics ahead of elections.
5. Reform Imperatives – concrete suggestions for tightening oversight, enhancing transparency, and strengthening anti‑corruption laws are outlined as a roadmap to mitigate “Ravan” politics.

The Print’s article, through its incisive narrative and robust use of linked sources, offers readers a clear lens through which to view the intersection of politics, commodity markets, and governance in contemporary India. It serves as a warning: when policy becomes a political play‑card, the nation’s most essential resources risk becoming mere tools for partisan gain.